We have just passed the anniversary of the most obscene and determining event of the modern era. That event flung the Western World into a dizzying irresistible ride that has left millions upon millions dead and European Civilization on the point of collapse.
On the 14th of July 1789, the Paris rabble stormed the Bastille to release a few incapable and mad inmates. Far from the prisoners and their ferocious unkempt liberators being the true symbol of that political act, they have been raised to hallowed heights by those who talk the talk of democracy but work to impose a totalitarian ideology on the world.
Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France was the first condemnation and most powerful warning of what was behind the exhilarating violence in Paris. The French Revolution was no ordinary social and political upheaval, he said.
‘The present Revolution in France seems to me to be quite of another character and description [compared with previous revolutions]; and to bear little resemblance or analogy to any of those which have been brought about in Europe, upon principles merely political. It is a revolution of doctrine and theoretick dogma. It has a much greater resemblance to those changes which have been made upon religious grounds, in which a spirit of proselytism makes an essential part. (Thoughts on French Affairs)
We are in a war of a peculiar nature. It is not with an ordinary community, which is hostile or friendly as passion or as interest may veer about; not with a State which makes war through wantonness, and abandons its through lassitude. We are at war with a system, which, by its essence, is inimical to all other Governments, and which makes peace or war, as peace and war may best contribute to their subversion. It is with an armed doctrine, that we are at war.’ (First Letter on a Regicide Peace)
‘[Burke] meant to demonstrate [in the Reflections], that the French scheme was not a comparative good, but a positive evil. That the question did not at all turn, as has been stated, on a parallel between a monarchy and a republic. He denied that the present scheme of things in France did at all deserve the respectable name of a republic: he had therefore no comparison between monarchies and republics to make. That what was done in France was a wild attempt to methodize anarchy; to perpetuate and fix disorder. That it was a foul, impious, monstrous thing, wholly out of the course of moral nature. He undertook to prove, that it was generated in treachery, fraud, falsehood, hypocrisy, and unprovoked murder… That, by the terror of assassination, they had driven away a very great number of the members, so as to produce a false appearance of a majority. That this fictitious majority had fabricated a constitution, which, as now it stands, is a tyranny far beyond any example that can be found in the civilized European world of our age; that therefore the lovers of it must be lovers, not of liberty, but, if they really understand its nature, of the lowest and basest of all servitude.’ (An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs)
Just as Burke warned, The French Revolution became the paradigm of most revolutions during the last two hundred years.
It is difficult for the sober-minded person to comprehend the jubilation of the French each year while they celebrate the social fissure that let loose the foul breath of hell over their nation.